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Advocacy Coalitions and Democratizing Media Reforms in Latin America - Christof Mauersberger


Year 2016

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Chapter 1 Introduction1.1 The Incomplete Promise of Democratization in Latin America: The Social and Political Relevance of Media Democratization1.2 Research Interests and Research Question1.3 Chapter OverviewReferencesChapter 2 Democracy, Media, and Their Democratization in Latin America2.1 Mass Media and Democracy: From the Public Sphere to Broadcasting Regulation2.1.1 Deliberative Democracy and the Concept of the Public Sphere2.1.2 The Public Sphere as a Rationale for Media Regulation: Defining the “Democratization of Social Communication”2.1.3 Broadcasting Regulation: Obsolete in the Age of Internet and Digital Convergence?2.2 The Development of Media (Regulation) in Latin America: From Markets and States to Recurring Calls for Democratization2.2.1 The Origin of Latin American Media: Between Commercial Markets and a Complicit State2.2.2 After the 1980s Transition: Between Calls for Broader Democratization and Neoliberal Transformations2.2.3 The New Left Turn Since 1998/2003: Between Political Polarization and Spirits of Change2.3 International Norms and Actors2.3.1 UNESCO: From a New World Communication Order to Cultural Diversity2.3.2 The OAS Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression2.4 Summing Up: From the Public Sphere to Media Democratization in Concentrated and Commercial Media Markets of Latin AmericaReferencesChapter 3 Analyzing Policy Change: Theoretical and Methodological Considerations3.1 The Advocacy Coalition Framework3.1.1 Origins, Development and Applications of the ACF3.1.2 How the ACF Works: Time Span, Policy Subsystem and Advocacy Coalitions Defined by Belief Systems3.1.3 Two Paths for Change: Policy-Oriented Learning and External Shocks3.1.4 Who Is Walking the Paths? The Ambivalent Position of Policy Brokers and Scientists3.1.5 A Critical Discussion of the ACF's Applicability to Latin American Media Policy3.2 Research Design and Methodological Considerations3.2.1 Qualitative Comparative Method and Within-Case Analysis3.2.2 Case Selection and Definition of Time Frame3.2.3 Analytical Framework3.2.4 Operationalization3.2.5 Data Collection and Data Analysis3.2.6 A Short Note on Normativity and ObjectivityReferencesChapter 4 Argentina: Radical Change Amid Sharp Political Conflict4.1 Historical Background and the State of Media Democratization in 20034.1.1 The Origins of Broadcasting: Between Private Initiative and State Control4.1.2 Turbulent Times: Military Governments and Media Control4.1.3 Democratic Transition and the 1990s: Paving the Way for Concentration4.1.4 The Weak State of Media Democratization in 20034.2 Media Politics in the Kirchners' Era Since 2003: From Government Reluctance to Enthusiasm in a Heartbeat4.2.1 Ne´stor Kirchner's Presidency: A New Era, But Not in Media Politics4.2.2 Cristina Ferna'ndez de Kirchner and the Farmers' Conflict4.2.3 A New Media Law Is Passed After 19 Intense Months of Public Debate4.2.4 Excursus: The New Law's Changes in Media Regulation4.2.5 What Happened Next: Intensified Conflict, 4 Years of Legal Disputes, and a Delayed and Partial Implementation4.3 The Coalition for Democratization: The Coalition4.3.1 Composition and Development: The CRD as the Coalition's Undisputed Voice4.3.2 Belief System: Communication Rights and Media Regulation4.3.3 Resources: Flexible Ties and Broad Legitimacy4.4 The Private Coalition: Clar´ın and Its Allies4.4.1 Composition and Development: Clar´ın and Its Changing Political Partners4.4.2 Belief System: The Glue Holding Together Coalitions of Convenience4.4.3 Resources: Media Power and Political Ties4.5 The Path to Policy Change4.5.1 Policy-Oriented Learning: Unlikely and Unwanted4.5.2 External Shock: How the Coalition for Democratization Successfully Took Advantage of Changing Media–State Relations4.5.3 International Linkages and the Role of Brokers4.6 Summary and Preliminary ConclusionsReferencesChapter 5 Brazil: Much Debate About No Reform5.1 Historical Background and the State of Media Democratization in 20035.1.1 Introduction of Radio and Television, Initial Regulation5.1.2 Military Rule (1964–1985): Concentrated Broadcasters as a Tool for Nation Building and Development5.1.3 Democratic Transition: New Constitution, Little Effect on Communication Policy5.1.4 The Weak State of Media Democratization Before Lula5.2 Media Politics Under a Progressive Government: Conferences, Forums, Scandals, and Ministerial Working Groups—But Hardly Any Reform5.2.1 Lula's Campaign, Context of Elections, and the Role of Media (Policy)5.2.2 Two Ministerial Attempts to Reform the Community Radio Law: Suggestive Reports, No Reform5.2.3 Mensala˜o Corruption Scandal: A Major Shock for Lula's Government5.2.4 ANCINE and ANCINAV: Another Failed Attempt to Reform Media Policy5.2.5 Public Broadcasting Reform: Creating the Brazilian Communication Company (EBC)5.2.6 The First National Communication Conference (Confecom): Creating a Forum5.2.7 Media Policy Under Dilma Since 2011: New President, New Minister, Old Reluctance to Reform5.2.8 Re-establishment of the Council for Social Communication (CCS)5.3 The Coalition for Democratization: Civil Society Networks Around an Institutionalized Core5.3.1 Composition and Development: An Institutionalized FNDC with Weak External Links5.3.2 Belief System: From a Class-Based Perspective to Communication Rights5.3.3 Resources: The Disadvantages of Strong Institutionalization and a Class-Based Frame of Reference5.3.4 Dynamics of Change Since 20115.4 The Private Coalition: Stable Ties Between Commercial Media and Politicians5.4.1 Composition: Private Broadcasting Networks and the “Bancada Dos Radiodifusores”5.4.2 Belief System: Communication as a Private Service5.4.3 Resources: Media Power and Political Ties5.5 The Untrodden, Narrow Paths to Policy Change5.5.1 Policy-Oriented Learning: A Dialogue of the Deaf5.5.2 External Shock: The 2005 Mensala˜o Scandal5.5.3 Brokers and Policy Translators5.6 Summary and Preliminary ConclusionsReferencesChapter 6 Broadening the Scope: Advocacy Coalitions and Media Reforms in Chile and Uruguay6.1 Chile: Fragmented Civil Society, No Democratizing Media Reforms6.2 Uruguay: Incremental but Thorough Policy Change Driven by Civil SocietyReferencesChapter 7 Comparison and Generalization: Conditions for Media Democratization7.1 The State of Media Democratization in Argentina and Brazil: Similar Outsets, Different Outcomes7.2 Advocacy Coalitions and Media Politics in Argentina and Brazil7.2.1 The Coalitions for Democratization: Fighting for Democratizing Media Reforms7.2.2 The Private Coalitions: Preserving the Status Quo7.2.3 Media Politics: Brokerage Capacities and the Paths to Reforms7.3 Generalization: A Model for Media Reforms by Civil Society Coalitions7.3.1 Typologies of Coalitions for Democratization7.3.2 Prospects of Media Reforms: The Paths to Policy Change7.3.3 Conclusion: A Model for Media Reforms by Civil Society CoalitionsReferencesChapter 8 Conclusions and Outlook8.1 Summary: What Makes Media Democratization Possible?8.1.1 Different States of Media Democratization8.1.2 Three Facilitating Factors: Open, Focused Network, Rights Perspective, and a Fragmented Private Coalition8.1.3 New Dynamics for Communication Rights: The Pioneering Role of Latin American Civil Society8.2 Media Politics in Perspective: Power Shifts in Latin America and the Role of Social ActorsReferences
 
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